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One of the fundamental dilemmas of order in the new, post-cold war international system is how the domestic political structures of states influence the foreign policy of the given country. Following the collapse of the Berlin wall, the universality of liberal democracy became a popular hypothesis among experts anticipating its diffusion across the developing world hitherto characterized by authoritarian regimes. The liberal school of international relations holds the view that democracies do not fight wars against each other (democratic peace), and thus with the triumph of democracy the armed conflicts which have been plaguing developing countries for decades will disappear and the emergence of failed states which are seen as endangering democracy can also be prevented. Though the theory has been widely criticized in recent years, interest in the prospects of democratization has not abated, and it has even intensified following the terrorist attacks of 9/11.

In considering the assumption about the universality of liberal democracy the sharp rise in the number of electoral democracies over the past two decades (according e.g. to Freedom House) has to be accounted for. This increase is not due exclusively to the East European transitions following the collapse of the Soviet Union, but also to the political transformation discernible in regions beyond Europe. The phase labelled by Huntington as the third wave of democratization (after 1974) has spread to Latin America, Asia and the African continent as well. There are, however, two regions unaffected by the otherwise worldwide trend of democratization: the Middle East, broadly understood, and China. The current paper seeks to explore the causes of one of the above two peculiarities: the absence of democratic transformation in the Middle East.

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2014.07.08.